|
Prehistory and Early History
| Middle Period | Modern
Period | Nepal Since 1950
|
a. Prehistory and Early History |
Nepal's rich prehistory
consists mainly of the legendary traditions of the Newar, the
indigenous community of Nepal Valley (now usually called Kathmandu
Valley). There are usually both Buddhist and Brahmanic Hindu
versions of these various legends. Both versions are accepted
indiscriminately in the festivals associated with legendary
events, a tribute to the remarkable synthesis that has been
achieved in Nepal between the two related but divergent value
systems.
References to Nepal Valley and Nepal's lower hill areas are
found in the ancient Indian classics, suggesting that the Central
Himalayan hills were closely related culturally and politically
to the Gangetic Plain at least 2,500 years ago. Lumbini, Gautama
Buddha's birthplace in southern Nepal, and Nepal Valley also
figure prominently in Buddhist accounts. There is substantial
archaeological evidence of an early Buddhist influence in Nepal,
including a famous column inscribed by Asoka (emperor of India,
3rd century BC) at Lumbini and several shrines in the valley.
A coherent dynastic history for Nepal Valley becomes possible,
though with large gaps, with the rise of the Licchavi dynasty
in the 4th or 5th century AD. Although the earlier Kirati dynasty
had claimed the status of the Kshatriya caste of rulers and
warriors, the Licchavis were probably the first ruling family
in that area of plains Indian origin. This set a precedent for
what became the normal pattern thereafter—Hindu kings
claiming high-caste Indian origin ruling over a population much
of which was neither Indo-Aryan nor Hindu.
The Licchavi dynastic chronicles, supplemented by numerous stone
inscriptions, are particularly full from AD 500 to 700; a powerful,
unified kingdom also emerged in Tibet during this period, and
the Himalayan passes to the north of the valley were opened.
Extensive cultural, trade, and political relations developed
across the Himalayas, transforming the valley from a relatively
remote backwater into the major intellectual and commercial
centre between South and Central Asia. Nepal's contacts with
China began in the mid-7th century with the exchange of several
missions. But intermittent warfare between Tibet and China terminated
this relationship; and, while there were briefly renewed contacts
in subsequent centuries, these were reestablished on a continuing
basis only in the late 18th century. |
|
| b.
Middle Period |
The middle period in
Nepalese history is usually considered coterminous with the
rule of the Malla dynasty (10th–18th century) in Nepal
Valley and surrounding areas. Although most of the Licchavi
kings were devout Hindus, they did not impose Brahmanic social
codes or values on their non-Hindu subjects; the Mallas perceived
their responsibilities differently, however, and the great Malla
ruler Jaya Sthiti (reigned c. 1382–95) introduced the
first legal and social code strongly influenced by contemporary
Hindu principles.
Jaya Sthiti's successor, Yaksa Malla (reigned c. 1429–c.
1482), divided his kingdom among his three sons, thus creating
the independent principalities of Kathmandu, Patan, and Bhaktpur
(Bhadgaon) in the valley. Each of these states controlled territory
in the surrounding hill areas, with particular importance attached
to the trade routes northward to Tibet and southward to India
that were vital to the valley's economy. There were also numerous
small principalities in the western and eastern hill areas,
whose independence was sustained through a delicate balance
of power based upon traditional interrelationships and, in some
cases, common ancestral origins (or claims thereto) among the
ruling families. By the 16th century virtually all these principalities
were ruled by dynasties claiming high-caste Indian origin whose
members had fled to the hills in the wake of Muslim invasions
of northern India.
In the early 18th century one of the principalities—Gorkha
(also spelled Gurkha), ruled by the Shah family—began
to assert a predominant role in the hills and even to pose a
challenge to Nepal Valley. The Mallas, weakened by familial
dissension and widespread social and economic discontent, were
no match for the great Gorkha ruler Prithvi Narayan Shah. He
conquered the valley in 1769 and moved his capital to Kathmandu
shortly thereafter, providing the foundation for the modern
state of Nepal. |
|
| c.
Modern Period |
The Shah (or Sah)
rulers faced tremendous and persistent problems in trying
to centralize an area long characterized by extreme diversity
and ethnic and regional parochialism. They established a centralized
political system by absorbing dominant regional and local
elites into the central administration at Kathmandu. This
action neutralized potentially disintegrative political forces
and involved them in national politics, but it also severely
limited the centre's authority in outlying areas because local
administration was based upon a compromise division of responsibilities
between the local elites and the central administration.
From 1775 to 1951, Nepalese politics was characterized by
confrontations between the royal family and several noble
families. The position of the Shah dynasty was weakened by
the fact that the two kings who ruled successively between
1777 and 1832 were minors when they ascended the throne. The
regents and the nobility competed for political power, using
the young rulers as puppets; both factions wanted a monopoly
of political offices and power for their families, with their
rivals exterminated, exiled to India, or placed in a subordinate
status. This was achieved by the Thapa family (1806–37)
and, even more extensively, by the Rana family (1846–1951).
In these periods, the Shah ruler was relegated to an honorary
position without power, while effective authority was concentrated
in the hands of the leading members of the dominant family.
Although intrafamilial arrangements on such questions as the
succession and the distribution of responsibilities and spoils
were achieved, no effective national political institutions
were created. The excluded noble families had only two alternatives—to
accept inferior posts in the administration and army or to
conspire for the overthrow of the dominant family. Until 1950
and to some extent thereafter, Nepalese politics was basically
conspiratorial in character, with familial loyalty taking
precedence over loyalty to the crown or nation.
External relations, 1750–1950
Prithvi Narayan Shah (reigned 1742–75) and his successors
established a unified state in the central Himalayas and launched
an ambitious and remarkably vigorous program of expansion,
seeking to bring the entire hill area, from Bhutan to Kashmir,
under their authority. They made considerable progress, but
successive setbacks in wars with China and Tibet (1788–92),
with the Sikh kingdom in the Punjab (1809), with British India
(1814–16), and again with Tibet (1854–56) frustrated
Nepal and set the present boundaries of the kingdom.}
The British conquest of India in the 19th century posed a
serious threat to Nepal—which expected to be another
victim—and left the country with no real alternative
but to seek an accommodation with the British to preserve
its independence. This was accomplished by the Rana family
regime after 1860 on terms that were mutually acceptable,
if occasionally irritating, to both. Under this de facto alliance,
Kathmandu permitted the recruitment of Nepalese for the highly
valued Gurkha units in the British Indian Army and also accepted
British “guidance” on foreign policy; in exchange,
the British guaranteed the Rana regime against both foreign
and domestic enemies and allowed it virtual autonomy in domestic
affairs. Nepal, however, was also careful to maintain a friendly
relationship with China and Tibet, both for economic reasons
and to counterbalance British predominance in South Asia.
The British withdrawal from India in 1947 deprived the Ranas
of a vital external source of support and exposed the regime
to new dangers. Anti-Rana forces, composed mainly of Nepalese
residents in India who had served their political apprenticeship
in the Indian nationalist movement, formed an alliance with
the Nepalese royal family, led by King Tribhuvan (reigned
1911–55), and launched a revolution in November 1950.
With strong diplomatic support from New Delhi, the rebels
accepted a settlement with the Ranas under which the sovereignty
of the crown was restored and the revolutionary forces, led
by the Nepali Congress Party, gained an ascendant position
in the administration. |
|
| d.
Nepal Since 1950 |
The introduction of a
democratic political system in Nepal, a country accustomed to
autocracy and with no deep democratic tradition or experience,
proved a formidable task. A constitution was finally approved
in 1959, under which general elections for a national assembly
were held. The Nepali Congress won an overwhelming victory and
was entrusted with the formation of Nepal's first popular government.
But persistent controversy between the Cabinet and King Mahendra
(reigned 1955–72) led the king to dismiss the Nepali Congress
government in December 1960 and to imprison most of the party's
leaders. The constitution of 1959 was abolished in 1962, and
a new constitution was promulgated that established the crown
as the real source of authority. King Mahendra obtained both
Indian and Chinese acceptance of his regime, and the internal
opposition was weak, disorganized, and discouraged. Mahendra
died in January 1972 and was succeeded by his son Birendra,
who was crowned in 1975.
Throughout the 1970s King Birendra sought to expedite economic
development programs while maintaining the “nonparty”
political system established by his father. The results were
disappointing on both accounts, and by 1979 a systemic crisis
was evident. To meet the first serious political challenge to
the monarchy since 1960, King Birendra announced in May 1979
that a national referendum would be held to decide between a
nonparty and multiparty (by implication, parliamentary) political
system. In the referendum, which was held in May 1980, the political
groups supporting the existing nonparty system won by the relatively
small margin of 55 percent, accurately reflecting the sharp
differences in the country on basic political issues.
It was in this context that King Birendra decided in 1980 to
retain the 1962 constitution but to liberalize the political
system by providing for direct popular election of the National
Assembly. The government also permitted the “illegal”
political parties, such as the Nepali Congress Party, to function
under only minimal constraints. Elections were still formally
held on a “partyless” basis, but many candidates
ran informally and openly as members of political parties.
This partial movement toward a democratic parliamentary system
satisfied neither the supporters of a multiparty constitutional
monarchy nor several more radical leftist factions, and in February
1990 a coalition of centrist and leftist opposition forces began
a campaign demanding basic political reforms. A series of protests
and strikes followed nationwide, and the royal government's
efforts to suppress the movement with force were ineffectual.
In April, as the situation in Kathmandu Valley worsened, King
Birendra lifted the ban on political parties, abrogated the
more repressive security ordinances, and on April 16 appointed
a coalition interim government headed by the president of the
Nepali Congress, K.S. Bhattarai, but also including the moderate
faction of the communist movement, the United Leftist Front.
The policy objectives of the interim government were “to
maintain law and order, develop a multiparty system on the basis
of constitutional monarchy, draft a new constitution, and hold
general elections” to a parliament. Within a year, all
four tasks were accomplished with remarkable success despite
the broad divergence of views among the major political organizations.
A draft of the new constitution, prepared by a broadly representative
government commission, was submitted to the Palace and the Cabinet
on Sept. 10, 1990. In November, following two months of vigorous
debate on a number of key issues—including the role of
the king, the development of a secular state, emergency powers,
and the status of Nepal's many languages—an amended version
of the constitution was promulgated by King Birendra that provided
for both a constitutional monarchy and a multiparty parliamentary
political system.
General elections held on May 12, 1991, gave the Nepali Congress
a majority in Parliament (110 of 205 seats), but the moderate
United Marxist-Leftist Party, with 69 seats, emerged as a strong
opposition party. The two “Pancha” parties usually
associated with the old system won only four seats. The elections
were thus perceived to constitute a strong endorsement of the
1990 political changes, and G.P. Koirala, the brother of Nepal's
first elected prime minister (1959–60), was nominated
by the Nepali Congress and appointed by the king to head the
new elected government.
Nepal emerged from this period of rapid political change facing
a multitude of economic and social problems; among these were
a stagnant economy and a variety of regional ethnic and religious
movements, some of whose basic demands were not acceptable to
the country's Hindu majority. Although overwhelming support
existed for the new democratic constitutional monarchy system,
at both the party and the public level, the democratic movement
itself remained badly fractionalized and antagonistic, making
more difficult the new government's attempt to introduce the
kind of hard-hitting economic and social policies the panchayat
governments had carefully avoided in an effort to mollify several
small but important interest groups. |
|
|
